Changes

{Infobox Officeholder

{{Infobox Officeholder

|name          = Chester A. Arthur

|name          = Chester A. Arthur

|image        = 20 Chester Arthur 3x4.jpg

|image        = 20 Chester Arthur 3x4.jpg

==Early life==

==Early life==

===Birth and family===

===Birth and family===

Chester Alan Arthur was born October&nbsp;5, 1829, in [[Fairfield, Vermont]].{{#tag:ref|Some older sources list the date as October&nbsp;5, 1830,<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], p. 5</ref> but biographer [[Thomas C. Reeves]] confirms that this is incorrect: Arthur claimed to be a year younger "out of simple vanity."<ref name=reeves5>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 5</ref>|group=note}} His father, William Arthur, was born just outside the village of [[Cullybackey]], [[County Antrim]], Ireland, and emigrated to [[Dunham, Quebec|Dunham]], [[Lower Canada]] (in present-day [[Quebec]]) in 1818 or 1819 after graduating from Belfast College.<ref name=reeves4>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 4; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 4</ref>  Arthur's mother, Malvina Stone, was born in Vermont, the daughter of George Washington Stone and Judith Stevens.  Malvina's family was primarily of English descent, and her grandfather, Uriah Stone, fought in the [[Continental Army]] during the [[American Revolution]].<ref name=reeves4/>  Arthur's mother met his father while he was teaching at a school in Dunham, just over the border from her native Vermont, and the two soon married.<ref name=reeves4/>  After their first child, Regina, was born in Dunham, the Arthurs moved around Vermont in quick succession to [[Burlington, Vermont|Burlington]], [[Jericho, Vermont|Jericho]], and [[Waterville, Vermont|Waterville]], as William moved to jobs with different schools.<ref name=reeves4/>  In Waterville, William Arthur departed from his Presbyterian upbringing and joined the [[Free Will Baptist]]s, spending the rest of his life as a minister in that sect.<ref name=reeves4/>  He also became an outspoken abolitionist, which at times made him unpopular with parts of his congregations and contributed to the family's frequent moves.<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], p. 7; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 6</ref>  In 1828, the family moved again, to Fairfield, where Chester Alan Arthur was born the following year.<ref name=reeves5/>  He was named "Chester" after Chester Abell, the physician and family friend who assisted in his birth, and "Alan" after his paternal grandfather.{{#tag:ref|Arthur pronounced his middle name with the accent on the second syllable.<ref name=reeves5/>|group=note}} After Arthur's birth, the family remained in Fairfield until 1832, when the elder Arthur's profession took them on the road again to several towns in Vermont and [[upstate New York]], finally settling in the [[Schenectady]] area.<ref name="reeves7"/>

Chester Alan Arthur was born October&nbsp;5, 1829, in [[Fairfield, Vermont]].^{[Note 1]}  His father, William Arthur, was born just outside the village of [[Cullybackey]], [[County Antrim]], Ireland, and emigrated to [[Dunham, Quebec|Dunham]], [[Lower Canada]] (in present-day [[Quebec]]) in 1818 or 1819 after graduating from Belfast College.<ref name=reeves4>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 4; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 4</ref>  Arthur's mother, Malvina Stone, was born in Vermont, the daughter of George Washington Stone and Judith Stevens.  Malvina's family was primarily of English descent, and her grandfather, Uriah Stone, fought in the [[Continental Army]] during the [[American Revolution]].<ref name=reeves4/>  Arthur's mother met his father while he was teaching at a school in Dunham, just over the border from her native Vermont, and the two soon married.<ref name=reeves4/>  After their first child, Regina, was born in Dunham, the Arthurs moved around Vermont in quick succession to [[Burlington, Vermont|Burlington]], [[Jericho, Vermont|Jericho]], and [[Waterville, Vermont|Waterville]], as William moved to jobs with different schools.<ref name=reeves4/>  In Waterville, William Arthur departed from his Presbyterian upbringing and joined the [[Free Will Baptist]]s, spending the rest of his life as a minister in that sect.<ref name=reeves4/>  He also became an outspoken abolitionist, which at times made him unpopular with parts of his congregations and contributed to the family's frequent moves.<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], p. 7; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 6</ref>  In 1828, the family moved again, to Fairfield, where Chester Alan Arthur was born the following year.<ref name=reeves5/>  He was named "Chester" after Chester Abell, the physician and family friend who assisted in his birth, and "Alan" after his paternal grandfather.^{[Note 2]}  After Arthur's birth, the family remained in Fairfield until 1832, when the elder Arthur's profession took them on the road again to several towns in Vermont and [[upstate New York]], finally settling in the [[Schenectady]] area.<ref name="reeves7"/>

William Arthur's frequent moves would later form the basis for accusations that Chester Arthur was not a native-born citizen of the United States.  After Arthur was [[United States presidential election, 1880|nominated for Vice President in 1880]], his political opponents suggested that he might be constitutionally ineligible to hold that office.<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 53–54</ref>  A New York attorney, Arthur P. Hinman, apparently hired by his opponents, explored rumors of Arthur's foreign birth.<ref name=hinman>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 202–203</ref>  Hinman initially alleged that Arthur was born in Ireland and did not come to the United States until he was fourteen years old, which would make him ineligible for the Vice Presidency under the United States Constitution's  [[Natural-born-citizen clause of the U.S. Constitution|natural-born citizen clause]].<ref name=hinman/>{{#tag:ref|The [[Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution]] applies that clause, which specifically restricts presidential eligibility, to would-be vice presidents, as well: "no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President".|group=note}} When that story did not take root, Hinman spread a new rumor that Arthur was born in Canada, but this claim also failed to gain credence.<ref name=hinman/>

William Arthur's frequent moves would later form the basis for accusations that Chester Arthur was not a native-born citizen of the United States.  After Arthur was [[United States presidential election, 1880|nominated for Vice President in 1880]], his political opponents suggested that he might be constitutionally ineligible to hold that office.<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 53–54</ref>  A New York attorney, Arthur P. Hinman, apparently hired by his opponents, explored rumors of Arthur's foreign birth.<ref name=hinman>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 202–203</ref>  Hinman initially alleged that Arthur was born in Ireland and did not come to the United States until he was fourteen years old, which would make him ineligible for the Vice Presidency under the United States Constitution's  [[Natural-born-citizen clause of the U.S. Constitution|natural-born citizen clause]].<ref name=hinman/>^{[Note 3]} When that story did not take root, Hinman spread a new rumor that Arthur was born in Canada, but this claim also failed to gain credence.<ref name=hinman/>

===Education===

===Education===

The end of the Civil War meant new opportunities for the men in Morgan's Republican [[Political machine|machine]], including Arthur.<ref name=kara17>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 17</ref>  Morgan leaned toward the conservative wing of the New York Republican party, as did the men who worked for him, including Weed, Seward (who continued in office under President [[Andrew Johnson]]), and [[Roscoe Conkling]] (an eloquent [[Utica, New York|Utica]] Congressman and rising star in the party).<ref name=kara17/>  Arthur rarely articulated his own political ideas during his time as a part of the machine; as was common at the time, loyalty and hard work on the machine's behalf was more important than actual political sympathies.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 39; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 37</ref>  In 1866, he attempted to secure the position of Naval Officer at the [[New York Custom House]], a lucrative job with few responsibilities, but was unable to do so.<ref name=r40>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 40–41</ref>  Nevertheless, he continued his law practice (now a solo practitionership after Gardiner's death) and his role in politics, becoming a member of the prestigious [[Century Association|Century Club]] in 1867.<ref name=r40/>  Conkling, [[United States Senate election in New York, 1867|elected in 1867]] to the United States Senate, noticed Arthur and aided his rise in the party.<ref name=r44>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 44–45</ref>  Arthur became chairman of the New York City Republican executive committee in 1868.<ref name=r42>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 42; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 39</ref>  His ascent in the party hierarchy kept him busy most nights, and his wife began to resent his continual absence from the family home on party business.<ref name=r71>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 71–73</ref>

The end of the Civil War meant new opportunities for the men in Morgan's Republican [[Political machine|machine]], including Arthur.<ref name=kara17>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 17</ref>  Morgan leaned toward the conservative wing of the New York Republican party, as did the men who worked for him, including Weed, Seward (who continued in office under President [[Andrew Johnson]]), and [[Roscoe Conkling]] (an eloquent [[Utica, New York|Utica]] Congressman and rising star in the party).<ref name=kara17/>  Arthur rarely articulated his own political ideas during his time as a part of the machine; as was common at the time, loyalty and hard work on the machine's behalf was more important than actual political sympathies.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 39; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 37</ref>  In 1866, he attempted to secure the position of Naval Officer at the [[New York Custom House]], a lucrative job with few responsibilities, but was unable to do so.<ref name=r40>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 40–41</ref>  Nevertheless, he continued his law practice (now a solo practitionership after Gardiner's death) and his role in politics, becoming a member of the prestigious [[Century Association|Century Club]] in 1867.<ref name=r40/>  Conkling, [[United States Senate election in New York, 1867|elected in 1867]] to the United States Senate, noticed Arthur and aided his rise in the party.<ref name=r44>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 44–45</ref>  Arthur became chairman of the New York City Republican executive committee in 1868.<ref name=r42>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 42; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 39</ref>  His ascent in the party hierarchy kept him busy most nights, and his wife began to resent his continual absence from the family home on party business.<ref name=r71>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 71–73</ref>

Conkling's machine was solidly behind General [[Ulysses S. Grant]]'s candidacy for president, and Arthur worked to raise funds for Grant's election in 1868.<ref name=r48>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 48</ref>  The opposing Democratic machine in New York City, known as [[Tammany Hall]], worked for Grant's opponent, former New York Governor Horatio Seymour; while Grant was victorious in the national vote, Seymour carried the state of New York easily.<ref name=r48/>  Arthur began to devote more of his time to politics and less to law.<ref name=r49>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 49–50; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 42</ref>  In 1869, he was appointed counsel to the New York City tax commission under an arrangement his friend Murphy made with [[William Marcy Tweed]], the Tammany Hall boss.<ref name=r49/>  He remained at the job until 1870 at a salary of $10,000 a year.<ref name=r49/>{{#tag:ref|$10,000 in 1870 is equal to ${{Formatprice|{{Inflation|US|10000|1870}}}} in present terms.{{Inflation-fn|US}}|group=note}} Arthur's actual role in the tax commission's duties is still unknown; after Tweed's fall from power in 1871, Arthur never spoke of the Conking machine's cooperation with Tammany Hall.<ref name=r49/>  Shortly thereafter, President Grant gave control over the [[New York Custom House]] [[patronage]] to Conkling and appointed Murphy to the position of [[Collector of the Port of New York]].<ref name=r51>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 51–53; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 44–45</ref>  Murphy's reputation as a war profiteer and his association with Tammany Hall made him unacceptable to many of his own party, but Conkling nevertheless convinced the Senate to confirm him.<ref name=r51/>  The Collector was responsible for hiring hundreds of workers to collect the tariffs due at the United States' busiest port.  Typically, these jobs were dispensed to adherents of the political machine responsible for hiring the Collector. Employees were required to make political contributions (known as "assessments") back to the machine, which made the job a highly coveted political plum.<ref name=r61>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 61–67; [[#schwartz|Schwartz]], p. 182</ref>  Murphy's unpopularity only increased as he replaced workers loyal to Senator [[Reuben Fenton]]'s faction of the Republican party with those loyal to Conkling's.<ref name=r57>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 57–58</ref>  Eventually, the pressure to replace Murphy grew too great, and Grant asked for his resignation in 1871.<ref name=r57/>  To replace him, Grant nominated Arthur.<ref name=r60>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 60; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 46–47</ref>

Conkling's machine was solidly behind General [[Ulysses S. Grant]]'s candidacy for president, and Arthur worked to raise funds for Grant's election in 1868.<ref name=r48>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 48</ref>  The opposing Democratic machine in New York City, known as [[Tammany Hall]], worked for Grant's opponent, former New York Governor Horatio Seymour; while Grant was victorious in the national vote, Seymour carried the state of New York easily.<ref name=r48/>  Arthur began to devote more of his time to politics and less to law.<ref name=r49>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 49–50; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 42</ref>  In 1869, he was appointed counsel to the New York City tax commission under an arrangement his friend Murphy made with [[William Marcy Tweed]], the Tammany Hall boss.<ref name=r49/>  He remained at the job until 1870 at a salary of $10,000 a year.<ref name=r49/>^{[Note 4]} Arthur's actual role in the tax commission's duties is still unknown; after Tweed's fall from power in 1871, Arthur never spoke of the Conking machine's cooperation with Tammany Hall.<ref name=r49/>  Shortly thereafter, President Grant gave control over the [[New York Custom House]] [[patronage]] to Conkling and appointed Murphy to the position of [[Collector of the Port of New York]].<ref name=r51>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 51–53; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 44–45</ref>  Murphy's reputation as a war profiteer and his association with Tammany Hall made him unacceptable to many of his own party, but Conkling nevertheless convinced the Senate to confirm him.<ref name=r51/>  The Collector was responsible for hiring hundreds of workers to collect the tariffs due at the United States' busiest port.  Typically, these jobs were dispensed to adherents of the political machine responsible for hiring the Collector. Employees were required to make political contributions (known as "assessments") back to the machine, which made the job a highly coveted political plum.<ref name=r61>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 61–67; [[#schwartz|Schwartz]], p. 182</ref>  Murphy's unpopularity only increased as he replaced workers loyal to Senator [[Reuben Fenton]]'s faction of the Republican party with those loyal to Conkling's.<ref name=r57>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 57–58</ref>  Eventually, the pressure to replace Murphy grew too great, and Grant asked for his resignation in 1871.<ref name=r57/>  To replace him, Grant nominated Arthur.<ref name=r60>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 60; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 46–47</ref>

The Senate confirmed Arthur's appointment.  As Collector, he not only controlled nearly a thousand jobs, but he also stood to receive personal compensation as great as any federal officeholder.<ref name=r61/>  Arthur's salary was $6,500, but senior customs employees were also compensated by the "moiety" system, which awarded them a percentage of the fines levied on importers who attempted to evade the tariff.<ref name=r59>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 59, 63, 85–86</ref>  In total, his income came to more than $50,000—more than the president's salary, and more than enough for him to enjoy fashionable clothes and a lavish lifestyle.<ref name=r59/>{{#tag:ref|$50,000 in 1871 is equal to ${{Formatprice|{{Inflation|US|50000|1871}}}} in present terms.{{Inflation-fn|US}}|group=note}} Among those who dealt with the Custom House, Arthur was one of the era's more popular collectors.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 68</ref>  He got along with his subordinates and, since Murphy had already filled the staff with Conkling's adherents, he had few occasions to fire anyone.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 69–70</ref>  He was also popular within the Republican party as he efficiently collected campaign assessments from the staff and placed party leaders' friends in jobs as positions became available.<ref name=r71/>  Arthur had a better reputation than Murphy, but reformers still criticized the patronage structure and the moiety system as corrupt.<ref name=r61/>  A rising tide of reform within the party caused Arthur to recharacterize the financial extractions from employees as "voluntary contributions" in 1872, but the principle remained the same and the party reaped the benefit of controlling government jobs.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 76–77</ref>  In that year, reform-minded Republicans formed the [[Liberal Republican Party (United States)|Liberal Republican]] party and voted against Grant, but he was [[United States presidential election, 1872|re-elected]] in spite of their opposition.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 78–79</ref>  Nevertheless, the movement for civil service reform continued to chip away at Conkling's patronage machine when, after Custom House employees were found to have improperly assessed fines against an importing company in 1874, Congress repealed the moiety system and put the staff, including Arthur, on regular salary.<ref name=r79>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 79–84; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 49</ref>  As a result, his income dropped to $12,000 a year.<ref name=r79/>

The Senate confirmed Arthur's appointment.  As Collector, he not only controlled nearly a thousand jobs, but he also stood to receive personal compensation as great as any federal officeholder.<ref name=r61/>  Arthur's salary was $6,500, but senior customs employees were also compensated by the "moiety" system, which awarded them a percentage of the fines levied on importers who attempted to evade the tariff.<ref name=r59>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 59, 63, 85–86</ref>  In total, his income came to more than $50,000—more than the president's salary, and more than enough for him to enjoy fashionable clothes and a lavish lifestyle.<ref name=r59/><super.[Note 5]</super> Among those who dealt with the Custom House, Arthur was one of the era's more popular collectors.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 68</ref>  He got along with his subordinates and, since Murphy had already filled the staff with Conkling's adherents, he had few occasions to fire anyone.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 69–70</ref>  He was also popular within the Republican party as he efficiently collected campaign assessments from the staff and placed party leaders' friends in jobs as positions became available.<ref name=r71/>  Arthur had a better reputation than Murphy, but reformers still criticized the patronage structure and the moiety system as corrupt.<ref name=r61/>  A rising tide of reform within the party caused Arthur to recharacterize the financial extractions from employees as "voluntary contributions" in 1872, but the principle remained the same and the party reaped the benefit of controlling government jobs.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 76–77</ref>  In that year, reform-minded Republicans formed the [[Liberal Republican Party (United States)|Liberal Republican]] party and voted against Grant, but he was [[United States presidential election, 1872|re-elected]] in spite of their opposition.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 78–79</ref>  Nevertheless, the movement for civil service reform continued to chip away at Conkling's patronage machine when, after Custom House employees were found to have improperly assessed fines against an importing company in 1874, Congress repealed the moiety system and put the staff, including Arthur, on regular salary.<ref name=r79>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 79–84; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 49</ref>  As a result, his income dropped to $12,000 a year.<ref name=r79/>

===Clash with Hayes===

===Clash with Hayes===

Hayes further struck at the heart of the [[spoils system]] by issuing an [[Executive order (United States)|executive order]] that forbade assessments and barred federal office holders from "tak[ing] part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns".<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 322–325; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 121</ref> Arthur and his subordinates, [[Alonzo B. Cornell]] and [[George H. Sharpe]], refused to obey the president's order.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 121</ref>  Sherman encouraged Arthur to resign, offering him the [[United States Ambassador to France|consulship at Paris]] in exchange, but Arthur refused.<ref name=r123>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 123</ref>  In September 1877, Hayes demanded the three men's resignations, which they refused to give.<ref name=r123/>  Nonetheless, Hayes submitted appointments of [[Theodore Roosevelt, Sr.]], [[L. Bradford Prince]], and [[Edwin Atkins Merritt|Edwin Merritt]]—all supporters of [[William M. Evarts]], Conkling's New York rival—to the Senate for confirmation as their replacements.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], p. 352; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 125–126</ref>  The Senate's Commerce Committee, which Conkling chaired, voted unanimously to reject the nominees, and the full Senate rejected Roosevelt and Prince by a vote of 31–25, confirming Merritt only because Sharpe's term had expired.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 353–355; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 126–131</ref>

Hayes further struck at the heart of the [[spoils system]] by issuing an [[Executive order (United States)|executive order]] that forbade assessments and barred federal office holders from "tak[ing] part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns".<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 322–325; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 121</ref> Arthur and his subordinates, [[Alonzo B. Cornell]] and [[George H. Sharpe]], refused to obey the president's order.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 121</ref>  Sherman encouraged Arthur to resign, offering him the [[United States Ambassador to France|consulship at Paris]] in exchange, but Arthur refused.<ref name=r123>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 123</ref>  In September 1877, Hayes demanded the three men's resignations, which they refused to give.<ref name=r123/>  Nonetheless, Hayes submitted appointments of [[Theodore Roosevelt, Sr.]], [[L. Bradford Prince]], and [[Edwin Atkins Merritt|Edwin Merritt]]—all supporters of [[William M. Evarts]], Conkling's New York rival—to the Senate for confirmation as their replacements.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], p. 352; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 125–126</ref>  The Senate's Commerce Committee, which Conkling chaired, voted unanimously to reject the nominees, and the full Senate rejected Roosevelt and Prince by a vote of 31–25, confirming Merritt only because Sharpe's term had expired.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 353–355; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 126–131</ref>

Arthur's job was thus saved, but only until July 1878 when Hayes took advantage of a Congressional recess to fire him and Cornell, and replace them by [[recess appointment]]s of Merritt and [[Silas W. Burt]], respectively.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 370–371; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 136–137</ref>{{#tag:ref|[[Charles K. Graham]] filled Merritt's former position.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], p. 370</ref>|group=note}} Conkling opposed the appointees' confirmation when the Senate reconvened in February 1879, but Merritt was approved by a vote of 31–25, as was Burt by 31–19, giving Hayes his most significant civil service reform victory.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 382–384; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 138–148</ref>  After six years, Arthur found himself out of a job, but still a political power.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 150–151</ref>  In the state elections of 1879, he and Conkling worked to ensure that the Republican nominees for state offices would be men of Conkling's faction, who had become known as [[Stalwart (politics)|Stalwarts]].<ref name=r153>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 153–155; [[#peskin|Peskin]], p. 704</ref>  They were successful, but narrowly, as Cornell was nominated for governor by a vote of 234–216.<ref name=r153/>  Arthur and Conkling campaigned vigorously for the Stalwart ticket and, owing partly to a splintering of the Democratic vote, were victorious.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 153–155; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 96–99</ref>  Arthur and the machine had rebuked Hayes and their intra-party rivals, but Arthur had had only a few days to enjoy his triumph when, on January&nbsp;12, 1880, his wife died suddenly while he was in Albany organizing the political agenda for the coming year.<ref name=r158>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 158–159; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 38–39</ref>  He was devastated, and never remarried.<ref name=r158/>

Arthur's job was thus saved, but only until July 1878 when Hayes took advantage of a Congressional recess to fire him and Cornell, and replace them by [[recess appointment]]s of Merritt and [[Silas W. Burt]], respectively.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 370–371; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 136–137</ref>^{[Note 6]}  Conkling opposed the appointees' confirmation when the Senate reconvened in February 1879, but Merritt was approved by a vote of 31–25, as was Burt by 31–19, giving Hayes his most significant civil service reform victory.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 382–384; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 138–148</ref>  After six years, Arthur found himself out of a job, but still a political power.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 150–151</ref>  In the state elections of 1879, he and Conkling worked to ensure that the Republican nominees for state offices would be men of Conkling's faction, who had become known as [[Stalwart (politics)|Stalwarts]].<ref name=r153>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 153–155; [[#peskin|Peskin]], p. 704</ref>  They were successful, but narrowly, as Cornell was nominated for governor by a vote of 234–216.<ref name=r153/>  Arthur and Conkling campaigned vigorously for the Stalwart ticket and, owing partly to a splintering of the Democratic vote, were victorious.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 153–155; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 96–99</ref>  Arthur and the machine had rebuked Hayes and their intra-party rivals, but Arthur had had only a few days to enjoy his triumph when, on January&nbsp;12, 1880, his wife died suddenly while he was in Albany organizing the political agenda for the coming year.<ref name=r158>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 158–159; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 38–39</ref>  He was devastated, and never remarried.<ref name=r158/>

==Election of 1880==

==Election of 1880==

{{main|United States presidential election, 1880}}

{{main|United States presidential election, 1880}}

[[File:1880RepublicanPoster.png|thumb|left|Garfield–Arthur campaign poster]]

[[File:1880RepublicanPoster.png|thumb|left|Garfield–Arthur campaign poster]]

Conkling and his fellow Stalwarts wished to follow up their 1879 success at the [[1880 Republican National Convention]] by securing the nomination for their ally, ex-President Grant.<ref name=r160>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 160–165</ref>  Their opponents in the Republican party, known as [[Half-Breed (politics)|Half-Breeds]], concentrated their efforts on [[James G. Blaine]], a Senator from Maine who was more amenable to civil service reform.<ref name=r160/>  Neither candidate commanded a majority of delegates and, deadlocked after thirty-six ballots, the convention turned to a [[dark horse]], [[James A. Garfield]], an Ohio Congressman and Civil War General who was neither Stalwart nor Half-Breed.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 177–178; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 107–108; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 39–40</ref>  Garfield and his supporters knew they would face a difficult election without the support of the New York Stalwarts and decided to offer one of them the vice presidential nomination.<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 41; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 178</ref>  [[Levi P. Morton]] was the first choice of Garfield's supporters but, on Conkling's advice, refused to run.<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 107–108</ref>  They next approached Arthur.  Conkling advised him to also reject the nomination, believing the Republicans would lose.<ref name=r179>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 179–181</ref>  Arthur thought otherwise and accepted, telling Conkling, "The office of the Vice-President is a greater honor than I ever dreamed of attaining."<ref name=r179/>{{#tag:ref|Biographer George Howe takes this exchange at face value,<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], p. 109</ref> but later biographers  suspect it may be apocryphal.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 179; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 40–41</ref>|group=note}} Conkling eventually reconciled himself with the nomination and campaigned for the [[Ticket (election)|ticket]].<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 190–194</ref>  As expected, the election was close.  The Democratic nominee, General [[Winfield Scott Hancock]], was popular and, since he had not taken unpopular positions (or any positions at all) on the issues of the day, he had not offended any important constituencies.<ref>[[#jordan|Jordan]], pp. 292–305</ref>  As Republicans had done since the end of the Civil War, Garfield and Arthur initially focused their campaign on the "[[bloody shirt]]"—the idea that returning Democrats to office would undo the victory of the Civil War and reward [[Secession in the United States|secessionists]].<ref name=r194>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 194–196; [[#jordan|Jordan]], pp. 294–295</ref>  With the war fifteen years in the past and Union generals at the head of both tickets, the tactic was less effective than the Republicans hoped.<ref name=r194/>  Realizing this, they shifted their approach to claim that Democrats would lower the country's [[tariff|protective tariff]], which would allow more cheap manufactured goods to be imported from Europe, thereby putting thousands of workingmen out of work.<ref name=r196>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 196–197; [[#jordan|Jordan]], pp. 297–302</ref>  This argument struck home in the swing states of New York and [[Indiana]], where many were employed in manufacturing.<ref name=r196/>  Hancock did not help his own cause when, in an attempt to remain neutral on the tariff, he said that "[t]he tariff question is a local question", which only served to make him appear uninformed about an important issue.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 196; [[#jordan|Jordan]], p. 301</ref>  Candidates for high office did not personally campaign in those days, but Arthur played a part in the campaign in his usual fashion: raising money.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 198–202</ref>  The funds were crucial in the close election, and his home state of New York was pivotal.<ref name=r203>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 203–204</ref>  The Republicans carried New York by 20,000 votes and, in an election with the largest turnout of qualified voters ever recorded—78.4%—they won the nationwide popular vote by just 7,018 votes.<ref name=r203/>  The [[Electoral College (United States)|electoral college]] result was more decisive—214 to 155—and Garfield and Arthur were elected.<ref name=r203/>

Conkling and his fellow Stalwarts wished to follow up their 1879 success at the [[1880 Republican National Convention]] by securing the nomination for their ally, ex-President Grant.<ref name=r160>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 160–165</ref>  Their opponents in the Republican party, known as [[Half-Breed (politics)|Half-Breeds]], concentrated their efforts on [[James G. Blaine]], a Senator from Maine who was more amenable to civil service reform.<ref name=r160/>  Neither candidate commanded a majority of delegates and, deadlocked after thirty-six ballots, the convention turned to a [[dark horse]], [[James A. Garfield]], an Ohio Congressman and Civil War General who was neither Stalwart nor Half-Breed.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 177–178; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 107–108; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 39–40</ref>  Garfield and his supporters knew they would face a difficult election without the support of the New York Stalwarts and decided to offer one of them the vice presidential nomination.<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 41; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 178</ref>  [[Levi P. Morton]] was the first choice of Garfield's supporters but, on Conkling's advice, refused to run.<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 107–108</ref>  They next approached Arthur.  Conkling advised him to also reject the nomination, believing the Republicans would lose.<ref name=r179>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 179–181</ref>  Arthur thought otherwise and accepted, telling Conkling, "The office of the Vice-President is a greater honor than I ever dreamed of attaining."<ref name=r179/>^{[Note 7]}  Conkling eventually reconciled himself with the nomination and campaigned for the [[Ticket (election)|ticket]].<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 190–194</ref>  As expected, the election was close.  The Democratic nominee, General [[Winfield Scott Hancock]], was popular and, since he had not taken unpopular positions (or any positions at all) on the issues of the day, he had not offended any important constituencies.<ref>[[#jordan|Jordan]], pp. 292–305</ref>  As Republicans had done since the end of the Civil War, Garfield and Arthur initially focused their campaign on the "[[bloody shirt]]"—the idea that returning Democrats to office would undo the victory of the Civil War and reward [[Secession in the United States|secessionists]].<ref name=r194>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 194–196; [[#jordan|Jordan]], pp. 294–295</ref>  With the war fifteen years in the past and Union generals at the head of both tickets, the tactic was less effective than the Republicans hoped.<ref name=r194/>  Realizing this, they shifted their approach to claim that Democrats would lower the country's [[tariff|protective tariff]], which would allow more cheap manufactured goods to be imported from Europe, thereby putting thousands of workingmen out of work.<ref name=r196>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 196–197; [[#jordan|Jordan]], pp. 297–302</ref>  This argument struck home in the swing states of New York and [[Indiana]], where many were employed in manufacturing.<ref name=r196/>  Hancock did not help his own cause when, in an attempt to remain neutral on the tariff, he said that "[t]he tariff question is a local question", which only served to make him appear uninformed about an important issue.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 196; [[#jordan|Jordan]], p. 301</ref>  Candidates for high office did not personally campaign in those days, but Arthur played a part in the campaign in his usual fashion: raising money.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 198–202</ref>  The funds were crucial in the close election, and his home state of New York was pivotal.<ref name=r203>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 203–204</ref>  The Republicans carried New York by 20,000 votes and, in an election with the largest turnout of qualified voters ever recorded—78.4%—they won the nationwide popular vote by just 7,018 votes.<ref name=r203/>  The [[Electoral College (United States)|electoral college]] result was more decisive—214 to 155—and Garfield and Arthur were elected.<ref name=r203/>

==Vice Presidency==

==Vice Presidency==

After the election, Arthur worked to persuade Garfield to fill certain positions—especially that of the Secretary of the Treasury—with his fellow New York Stalwarts.<ref name=r205>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 205–207</ref>  He was unsuccessful, and the Stalwart machine received a further rebuke when they discovered that Garfield planned to appoint Blaine, Conkling's arch-enemy, as Secretary of State.<ref name=r205/>  The running mates, never close, grew farther apart as Garfield continued to freeze out the Stalwarts from the patronage at his disposal.  Arthur's status in the administration fell further when, a month before inauguration day, he gave a speech in front of newspaper reporters that suggested the election in Indiana, a [[swing state]], had been won by illegal voting.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 213–216; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 52–53</ref>  Garfield ultimately appointed a Stalwart, [[Thomas Lemuel James]], to be Postmaster General, but the cabinet fight and Arthur's ill-considered speech left the President and Vice President estranged when they took their oaths of office on March&nbsp;4, 1881.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 216–219; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 54–56</ref>  The Senate in the [[47th United States Congress]] was divided among 37 Republicans, 37 Democrats, one independent ([[David Davis (Supreme Court justice)|David Davis]]) who announced he would [[Congressional caucus|caucus]] with the Democrats, one [[Readjuster Party|Readjuster]] ([[William Mahone]]) whose allegiance was uncertain, and four vacancies.<ref name=r220>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 220–223</ref>  Immediately, the Democrats attempted to organize the Senate, knowing that the vacancies would soon be filled by Republicans.<ref name=r220/>  As Vice President, Arthur cast [[List of tie-breaking votes cast by Vice Presidents of the United States|tie-breaking votes]] in favor of the Republicans when Mahone opted to join their caucus.<ref name=r220/>  Even so, the Senate remained deadlocked for two months over Garfield's nominations because of Conkling's opposition to some of them.<ref name=r223>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 223–230</ref>  Just before going into recess in May 1881, the situation became more complicated when Conkling and the other Senator from New York, [[Thomas C. Platt]], resigned in protest of Garfield's continuing opposition to their faction.<ref name=r230>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 230–233</ref>

After the election, Arthur worked to persuade Garfield to fill certain positions—especially that of the Secretary of the Treasury—with his fellow New York Stalwarts.<ref name=r205>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 205–207</ref>  He was unsuccessful, and the Stalwart machine received a further rebuke when they discovered that Garfield planned to appoint Blaine, Conkling's arch-enemy, as Secretary of State.<ref name=r205/>  The running mates, never close, grew farther apart as Garfield continued to freeze out the Stalwarts from the patronage at his disposal.  Arthur's status in the administration fell further when, a month before inauguration day, he gave a speech in front of newspaper reporters that suggested the election in Indiana, a [[swing state]], had been won by illegal voting.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 213–216; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 52–53</ref>  Garfield ultimately appointed a Stalwart, [[Thomas Lemuel James]], to be Postmaster General, but the cabinet fight and Arthur's ill-considered speech left the President and Vice President estranged when they took their oaths of office on March&nbsp;4, 1881.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 216–219; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 54–56</ref>  The Senate in the [[47th United States Congress]] was divided among 37 Republicans, 37 Democrats, one independent ([[David Davis (Supreme Court justice)|David Davis]]) who announced he would [[Congressional caucus|caucus]] with the Democrats, one [[Readjuster Party|Readjuster]] ([[William Mahone]]) whose allegiance was uncertain, and four vacancies.<ref name=r220>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 220–223</ref>  Immediately, the Democrats attempted to organize the Senate, knowing that the vacancies would soon be filled by Republicans.<ref name=r220/>  As Vice President, Arthur cast [[List of tie-breaking votes cast by Vice Presidents of the United States|tie-breaking votes]] in favor of the Republicans when Mahone opted to join their caucus.<ref name=r220/>  Even so, the Senate remained deadlocked for two months over Garfield's nominations because of Conkling's opposition to some of them.<ref name=r223>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 223–230</ref>  Just before going into recess in May 1881, the situation became more complicated when Conkling and the other Senator from New York, [[Thomas C. Platt]], resigned in protest of Garfield's continuing opposition to their faction.<ref name=r230>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 230–233</ref>

With the Senate in recess, Arthur had no duties in Washington and returned to New York City.<ref name=r233>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 233–237; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 147–149</ref>  Once there, he traveled with Conkling to [[Albany, New York|Albany]], where the former Senator had hoped for a quick re-election to the Senate and, thereby, a rebuke to the Garfield administration.<ref name=r233/>{{#tag:ref|Before the passage of the [[Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution]], Senators were elected by state legislatures.|group=note}} The Republican majority in the state legislature was divided on the question, to Conkling and Platt's surprise, and they found themselves fighting for their political lives.<ref name=r233/>{{#tag:ref|Conkling and Pratt were ultimately denied re-election, being succeeded by [[Elbridge G. Lapham]] and [[Warner Miller]], respectively.|group=note}} While in Albany on July 2, word reached Arthur that Garfield had been shot.<ref name=r233/>  The assassin, [[Charles J. Guiteau]], was a deranged office-seeker who believed that assassinating Garfield would convince Arthur to appoint him to a patronage job; he proclaimed to onlookers: "I am a Stalwart, and Arthur will be President!"<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 59; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 237</ref>  Despite his claims of friendship with Arthur, the public soon learned that Guiteau was mentally unstable and unconnected with the Vice President.<ref name=r238>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 238–241; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 53–54</ref>  More troubling was the lack of legal guidance on [[United States presidential line of succession|presidential succession]]: as Garfield lingered near death, no one was sure who, if anyone, could exercise presidential authority.<ref name=r241>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 241–243; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 152–154</ref>  Moreover, after Conkling's resignation, the Senate had adjourned without electing a ''[[President pro tempore of the United States Senate|president pro tempore]],'' who would normally follow Arthur in the succession.<ref name=r241/>  Arthur was reluctant to be seen to act as President while Garfield lived, and the next two months saw a vacuum in the executive office, with Garfield too weak to carry out any of his duties and Arthur refusing to assume them.<ref name=r244>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 244–248; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 61–63</ref>  Through the summer, Arthur refused to travel to Washington and was at his [[Lexington Avenue (Manhattan)|Lexington Avenue]] home when, on the night of September&nbsp;19, he learned that Garfield had died.<ref name=r244/>  Judge [[John R. Brady]] of the [[New York Supreme Court]] administered the [[Oath of office of the President of the United States|oath of office]] in Arthur's home at 2:15&nbsp;a.m. the following day, and Arthur boarded a train for the nation's capital two days later.<ref name=r244/>

With the Senate in recess, Arthur had no duties in Washington and returned to New York City.<ref name=r233>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 233–237; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 147–149</ref>  Once there, he traveled with Conkling to [[Albany, New York|Albany]], where the former Senator had hoped for a quick re-election to the Senate and, thereby, a rebuke to the Garfield administration.<ref name=r233/>^{[Note 8]} The Republican majority in the state legislature was divided on the question, to Conkling and Platt's surprise, and they found themselves fighting for their political lives.<ref name=r233/>^{[Note 9]}  While in Albany on July 2, word reached Arthur that Garfield had been shot.<ref name=r233/>  The assassin, [[Charles J. Guiteau]], was a deranged office-seeker who believed that assassinating Garfield would convince Arthur to appoint him to a patronage job; he proclaimed to onlookers: "I am a Stalwart, and Arthur will be President!"<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 59; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 237</ref>  Despite his claims of friendship with Arthur, the public soon learned that Guiteau was mentally unstable and unconnected with the Vice President.<ref name=r238>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 238–241; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 53–54</ref>  More troubling was the lack of legal guidance on [[United States presidential line of succession|presidential succession]]: as Garfield lingered near death, no one was sure who, if anyone, could exercise presidential authority.<ref name=r241>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 241–243; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 152–154</ref>  Moreover, after Conkling's resignation, the Senate had adjourned without electing a ''[[President pro tempore of the United States Senate|president pro tempore]],'' who would normally follow Arthur in the succession.<ref name=r241/>  Arthur was reluctant to be seen to act as President while Garfield lived, and the next two months saw a vacuum in the executive office, with Garfield too weak to carry out any of his duties and Arthur refusing to assume them.<ref name=r244>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 244–248; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 61–63</ref>  Through the summer, Arthur refused to travel to Washington and was at his [[Lexington Avenue (Manhattan)|Lexington Avenue]] home when, on the night of September&nbsp;19, he learned that Garfield had died.<ref name=r244/>  Judge [[John R. Brady]] of the [[New York Supreme Court]] administered the [[Oath of office of the President of the United States|oath of office]] in Arthur's home at 2:15&nbsp;a.m. the following day, and Arthur boarded a train for the nation's capital two days later.<ref name=r244/>

==Presidency 1881–1885==

==Presidency 1881–1885==

During the [[Presidency of James Garfield|Garfield administration]], Secretary of State [[James G. Blaine]] took the United States' diplomacy in [[Latin America]] in a new direction, urging reciprocal trade agreements and offering to mediate disputes among the Latin American nations.<ref name=d55>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 55–57; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 284–289</ref>  Blaine proposed holding a Pan-American conference in 1882 to discuss trade and an end to the [[War of the Pacific]] being fought by [[Bolivia]], [[Chile]], and [[Peru]].<ref name=d55/>  This represented a greater involvement in affairs south of the [[Rio Grande]] than the United States had previously attempted, and marked a significant shift in foreign policy.<ref name=d55/>  Blaine did not remain in office long enough to see the effort through, and when [[Frederick Theodore Frelinghuysen|Frederick T. Frelinghuysen]] replaced him at the end of 1881, the conference efforts lapsed.<ref name=d129>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 129–132; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 289–293; [[#bastert|Bastert]], pp. 653–671</ref>  Frelinghuysen also discontinued Blaine's peace efforts in the War of the Pacific, fearing that the United States might be drawn into the conflict.<ref name=d129/>  Arthur and Frelinghuysen continued Blaine's efforts to encourage trade among the nations of the Western Hemisphere, and a treaty with [[Mexico]] providing for reciprocal tariff reductions was signed in 1882 and approved by the Senate in 1884.<ref name=d173>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 173–175; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 398–399, 409</ref>  The House declined to approve the legislation required to bring the treaty into force, however, rendering it a [[wikt:dead letter|dead letter]].<ref name=d173/>  Similar efforts at reciprocal trade treaties with [[Santo Domingo]] and [[Spanish West Indies|Spain's American colonies]] were defeated by February 1885, and an existing reciprocity treaty with the [[Kingdom of Hawaii]] was allowed to lapse.<ref name=d175>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 175–178; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 398–399, 407–410</ref>

During the [[Presidency of James Garfield|Garfield administration]], Secretary of State [[James G. Blaine]] took the United States' diplomacy in [[Latin America]] in a new direction, urging reciprocal trade agreements and offering to mediate disputes among the Latin American nations.<ref name=d55>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 55–57; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 284–289</ref>  Blaine proposed holding a Pan-American conference in 1882 to discuss trade and an end to the [[War of the Pacific]] being fought by [[Bolivia]], [[Chile]], and [[Peru]].<ref name=d55/>  This represented a greater involvement in affairs south of the [[Rio Grande]] than the United States had previously attempted, and marked a significant shift in foreign policy.<ref name=d55/>  Blaine did not remain in office long enough to see the effort through, and when [[Frederick Theodore Frelinghuysen|Frederick T. Frelinghuysen]] replaced him at the end of 1881, the conference efforts lapsed.<ref name=d129>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 129–132; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 289–293; [[#bastert|Bastert]], pp. 653–671</ref>  Frelinghuysen also discontinued Blaine's peace efforts in the War of the Pacific, fearing that the United States might be drawn into the conflict.<ref name=d129/>  Arthur and Frelinghuysen continued Blaine's efforts to encourage trade among the nations of the Western Hemisphere, and a treaty with [[Mexico]] providing for reciprocal tariff reductions was signed in 1882 and approved by the Senate in 1884.<ref name=d173>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 173–175; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 398–399, 409</ref>  The House declined to approve the legislation required to bring the treaty into force, however, rendering it a [[wikt:dead letter|dead letter]].<ref name=d173/>  Similar efforts at reciprocal trade treaties with [[Santo Domingo]] and [[Spanish West Indies|Spain's American colonies]] were defeated by February 1885, and an existing reciprocity treaty with the [[Kingdom of Hawaii]] was allowed to lapse.<ref name=d175>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 175–178; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 398–399, 407–410</ref>

The 47th Congress spent a great deal of its time on the regulation of immigration, at times in accord with Arthur's wishes and at times against them.<ref name=h168>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 168–169; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], p. 81</ref>  In July 1882, without significant opposition, Congress passed a bill regulating steamships that carried immigrants to the United States.<ref name=h168/>  To their surprise, Arthur vetoed it, citing problems in the bill's wording; Congress agreed to reword it, and he signed the revised measure.<ref name=h168/>  He also signed in August of that year the [[Immigration Act of 1882]], which levied a fifty-cent tax on immigrants to the United States, as well as excluding from entry the [[mentally ill]], the [[mentally retarded]], [[criminals]], or any person "unable to take care of himself or herself without becoming a public charge."<ref>[[#hutchinson|Hutchinson]], p. 162; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 169</ref>  A larger debate concerned the status of one particular group of immigrants: the Chinese.  In 1868, the Senate had ratified the [[Burlingame Treaty]] with China, allowing an unrestricted flow of [[Chinese American history|Chinese immigrants]] into the country.  As the economy soured after the [[Panic of 1873]], Chinese immigrants were blamed for depressing workmen's wages.<ref name=r277>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 277–278; [[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 387–389</ref>  In response, Congress passed a Chinese Exclusion Act in 1879, abrogating the 1868 treaty, which President Hayes vetoed.<ref name=r277/>  Three years later, after China had agreed to treaty revisions, Congress tried again to exclude Chinese immigrants.  Senator [[John Franklin Miller (senator)|John F. Miller]] of [[California]] introduced a [[Chinese Exclusion Act]] that would have denied Chinese immigrants United States citizenship and completely banned their immigration for the next twenty years.<ref name=r278/>  The bill passed the Senate and House by overwhelming margins, arriving at Arthur's desk in April 1882.<ref name=r278>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 278–279; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 81–84</ref>  Arthur vetoed the bill, seeing the twenty-year ban as a breach of the renegotiated treaty of 1880, which allowed only a "reasonable" suspension of immigration. Eastern newspapers praised the veto, but he was widely condemned in the Western states.  Congress was unable to override the veto, instead passing a new bill that reduced the ban on Chinese immigration to ten years.  Although he still objected to the denial of citizenship to Chinese immigrants, Arthur signed the compromise measure into law on May&nbsp;6, 1882.<ref name=r278/>{{#tag:ref|The portion of the law denying citizenship to Chinese-Americans would be found unconstitutional in ''[[United States v. Wong Kim Ark]]'' in 1898.|group=note}}

The 47th Congress spent a great deal of its time on the regulation of immigration, at times in accord with Arthur's wishes and at times against them.<ref name=h168>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 168–169; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], p. 81</ref>  In July 1882, without significant opposition, Congress passed a bill regulating steamships that carried immigrants to the United States.<ref name=h168/>  To their surprise, Arthur vetoed it, citing problems in the bill's wording; Congress agreed to reword it, and he signed the revised measure.<ref name=h168/>  He also signed in August of that year the [[Immigration Act of 1882]], which levied a fifty-cent tax on immigrants to the United States, as well as excluding from entry the [[mentally ill]], the [[mentally retarded]], [[criminals]], or any person "unable to take care of himself or herself without becoming a public charge."<ref>[[#hutchinson|Hutchinson]], p. 162; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 169</ref>  A larger debate concerned the status of one particular group of immigrants: the Chinese.  In 1868, the Senate had ratified the [[Burlingame Treaty]] with China, allowing an unrestricted flow of [[Chinese American history|Chinese immigrants]] into the country.  As the economy soured after the [[Panic of 1873]], Chinese immigrants were blamed for depressing workmen's wages.<ref name=r277>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 277–278; [[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 387–389</ref>  In response, Congress passed a Chinese Exclusion Act in 1879, abrogating the 1868 treaty, which President Hayes vetoed.<ref name=r277/>  Three years later, after China had agreed to treaty revisions, Congress tried again to exclude Chinese immigrants.  Senator [[John Franklin Miller (senator)|John F. Miller]] of [[California]] introduced a [[Chinese Exclusion Act]] that would have denied Chinese immigrants United States citizenship and completely banned their immigration for the next twenty years.<ref name=r278/>  The bill passed the Senate and House by overwhelming margins, arriving at Arthur's desk in April 1882.<ref name=r278>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 278–279; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 81–84</ref>  Arthur vetoed the bill, seeing the twenty-year ban as a breach of the renegotiated treaty of 1880, which allowed only a "reasonable" suspension of immigration. Eastern newspapers praised the veto, but he was widely condemned in the Western states.  Congress was unable to override the veto, instead passing a new bill that reduced the ban on Chinese immigration to ten years.  Although he still objected to the denial of citizenship to Chinese immigrants, Arthur signed the compromise measure into law on May&nbsp;6, 1882.<ref name=r278/>^{[Note 10]}

===Naval reform===

===Naval reform===

Arthur left office in 1885 and returned to his New York City home.  Two months before the end of his term, several New York Stalwarts approached him to request that he run for United States Senate, but he declined, preferring to return to his old law practice at Arthur, Knevals & Ransom.<ref name=r412>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 412–414</ref>  His health limited his activity with the firm, and Arthur served only [[of counsel]].  He took on few assignments with the firm and was often too ill to leave his house.<ref name=r416>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 416–418</ref>  He managed a few public appearances, up until the end of 1885.<ref name=r416/>

Arthur left office in 1885 and returned to his New York City home.  Two months before the end of his term, several New York Stalwarts approached him to request that he run for United States Senate, but he declined, preferring to return to his old law practice at Arthur, Knevals & Ransom.<ref name=r412>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 412–414</ref>  His health limited his activity with the firm, and Arthur served only [[of counsel]].  He took on few assignments with the firm and was often too ill to leave his house.<ref name=r416>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 416–418</ref>  He managed a few public appearances, up until the end of 1885.<ref name=r416/>

After summering in [[New London, Connecticut]], in 1886, he returned quite ill and, on November&nbsp;16, ordered nearly all of his papers, both personal and official, burned.<ref name=r416/>{{#tag:ref|A small number of Arthur's papers survived and passed to his grandson, [[Gavin Arthur]], who allowed Arthur's biographer, Thomas C. Reeves, to examine them the 1970s.<ref>[[#reeves72|Reeves 1972]], ''passim''.</ref>|group=note}} The next morning, Arthur suffered a [[cerebral hemorrhage]] and never regained consciousness; he died the following day at the age of 57.<ref name=r416/>  On November&nbsp;22, a private funeral was held at the [[Church of the Heavenly Rest]] in New York City, attended by President Cleveland and ex-President Hayes, among other notables.<ref name=r418>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 418–419</ref>  Arthur was buried next to the graves of many of his family members and ancestors in the [[Albany Rural Cemetery]] in [[Menands, New York]]. He was laid beside his wife in a [[sarcophagus]] on a large corner of the plot.<ref name=r416/>

After summering in [[New London, Connecticut]], in 1886, he returned quite ill and, on November&nbsp;16, ordered nearly all of his papers, both personal and official, burned.<ref name=r416/>^{[Note 11]}  The next morning, Arthur suffered a [[cerebral hemorrhage]] and never regained consciousness; he died the following day at the age of 57.<ref name=r416/>  On November&nbsp;22, a private funeral was held at the [[Church of the Heavenly Rest]] in New York City, attended by President Cleveland and ex-President Hayes, among other notables.<ref name=r418>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 418–419</ref>  Arthur was buried next to the graves of many of his family members and ancestors in the [[Albany Rural Cemetery]] in [[Menands, New York]]. He was laid beside his wife in a [[sarcophagus]] on a large corner of the plot.<ref name=r416/>

==See also==

==See also==

==Notes==

==Notes==

{{Reflist|group=note}}

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4. $10,000 in 1870 is equal to ${{Formatprice|{{Inflation|US|10000|1870}}}} in present terms.{{Inflation-fn|US}}

 

5. $50,000 in 1871 is equal to ${{Formatprice|{{Inflation|US|50000|1871}}}} in present terms.{{Inflation-fn|US}}

 

 

 

 

 

==References==

==References==

{{Reflist|colwidth=20em}}

{{Reflist|colwidth=20em}}

==External links==

==External links==

* [http://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/presidents/arthur/index.html Chester Arthur: A Resource Guide] from the Library of Congress

* [http://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/presidents/arthur/index.html Chester Arthur: A Resource Guide] from the Library of Congress

* {{CongBio|A000303}} Retrieved on 2008-09-28

* {{CongBio|A000303}} Retrieved on 2008-09-28

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