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''Around 6,000 of these displaced persons from the former Italian region of Venezia Giulia (Istra) and Zara (Zadar) resettled in [[Australia]] with the assistance of the IRO. After transfer of Trieste to [[Italy]] in 1954, another several thousand Giuliani were assisted to migrate to Australia. While most were classed as Yugoslav residents and citizens, an estimated 5,000 were ethnic Italians from the cities of Fiume, Pola and Zara (Gardini 2004). Given the difficulty of ascertaining the ethnicity of displaced persons from the names and nationalities listed on official IRO documents, it is unclear how many displaced persons who identified as 'Italian' settled in[[ Western Australia]]. What is clear is that the Istrian 'Italians' came from different backgrounds and had different motives for leaving their homes compared with other Italian assisted passage or sponsored migrants''.<ref>www.italianlives.arts.uwa.edu.au/stories/martini/background The University of Western Australia, http://www.italianlives.arts.uwa.edu.au LINK: http://www.italianlives.arts.uwa.edu.au/stories/martini/background</ref>}}
''Around 6,000 of these displaced persons from the former Italian region of Venezia Giulia (Istra) and Zara (Zadar) resettled in [[Australia]] with the assistance of the IRO. After transfer of Trieste to [[Italy]] in 1954, another several thousand Giuliani were assisted to migrate to Australia. While most were classed as Yugoslav residents and citizens, an estimated 5,000 were ethnic Italians from the cities of Fiume, Pola and Zara (Gardini 2004). Given the difficulty of ascertaining the ethnicity of displaced persons from the names and nationalities listed on official IRO documents, it is unclear how many displaced persons who identified as 'Italian' settled in[[ Western Australia]]. What is clear is that the Istrian 'Italians' came from different backgrounds and had different motives for leaving their homes compared with other Italian assisted passage or sponsored migrants''.<ref>www.italianlives.arts.uwa.edu.au/stories/martini/background The University of Western Australia, http://www.italianlives.arts.uwa.edu.au LINK: http://www.italianlives.arts.uwa.edu.au/stories/martini/background</ref>}}
==Former Communist Yugoslavia==
The former Communist '''Yugoslavia''' (which Croatia was part of) played a major role during the Cold War era in a suppressive and creating falsehood style of historical documentation (i.e the book ''Dalmatia'' - History, Culture, Art Heritage and the ''"Mystifying the crimes of the occupiers, Titoism covered its own crimes."'') of the region’s past. Yugoslav Communist history is now dogma in Croatia. This also would apply to the history of the Dalmatian Italians. Many of today’s Croatians live with this dogma as their reality even though the Berlin Wall fell in 1989. This dogma, falsehood was created by a totalitarian society. The Communist Party of Yugoslavia had a '''profound''' effect on the region.<ref>[http://books.google.com.au/books?id=o5cefCSRx5EC&pg=PA47&dq=tito+cult+propaganda&hl=en&ei=8NneS5e1H9egkQX77rzOBw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=3&ved=0CD0Q6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=tito%20cult%20propaganda&f=false The Fragmentation of Yugoslavia:] Nationalism and War in the Balkans ''by'' Aleksandar Pavkovic (p 47).
* The former Yugoslavia's political and cultural scene were heavily influenced by the cult of personality of the Dictator [[Josip Broz Tito]].</ref> So much so that it has created today’s political and cultural scene.
*Quote from the [[Titoism and Totalitarianism#European Public Hearing on “Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regimes"|European Public Hearing]] on “Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regimes": {{quote|
*Quote from the [[Titoism and Totalitarianism#European Public Hearing on “Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regimes"|European Public Hearing]] on “Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regimes": {{quote|
''Mystifying the crimes of the occupiers, Titoism covered its own crimes. The taboo to hide the crimes of Titoism was meant to conceal the War-time and post-War murders of civilians and prisoners of war without trials. Their graves were levelled and in Slovenia it was forbidden to talk about their fate. Repressive organs controlled the burials sites and the living were strictly forbidden to mention the victims or the graves. The so-called system of preserving and developing revolutionary heritage was used by the [[Communists|Communist Party]] to implement a monopoly on the truth.'' <ref>''' European Public Hearing''' on “Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regimes" (p201) </ref><ref> “Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regime-'''Brussels'''"</ref>}}
''Mystifying the crimes of the occupiers, Titoism covered its own crimes. The taboo to hide the crimes of Titoism was meant to conceal the War-time and post-War murders of civilians and prisoners of war without trials. Their graves were levelled and in Slovenia it was forbidden to talk about their fate. Repressive organs controlled the burials sites and the living were strictly forbidden to mention the victims or the graves. The so-called system of preserving and developing revolutionary heritage was used by the [[Communists|Communist Party]] to implement a monopoly on the truth.'' <ref>''' European Public Hearing''' on “Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regimes" (p201) </ref><ref> “Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regime-'''Brussels'''"</ref>}}
*Statement made by the contemporary historian Dr Danijel Dzino ([[Australia|Australian]] Research Council Australian Postdoctoral Fellow BA (Hons), MA, PhD Adelaide): {{quote|
*Statement made by the contemporary historian Dr Danijel Dzino ([[Australia|Australian]] Research Council Australian Postdoctoral Fellow BA (Hons), MA, PhD Adelaide): {{quote|
''Medieval studies in Croatia and in most of the former Yugoslav space were firmly rooted in political history and suffered from isolationism and lack of interest in foreign scholarship. In the [[Titoism and Totalitarianism|communist era]], especially after the 1960s, Marxist ideology and national and Yugoslav political-ideological frameworks strongly impacted on the research into medieval history in Croatia '' <ref>[http://books.google.com.au/books?id=6UbOtJcF8rQC&pg=PA43&dq=Becoming+Slav,+Becoming+Croat:+Identity+Transformations+in+Post-Roman+Medieval+studies+in+croatia&hl=en&ei=aEVLTZXLC5GevgPU26QW&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CCoQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false Becoming Slav, Becoming Croat:] Identity Transformations in Post-Roman and Early Medieval Dalmatia by Danijel Dzino (p43)</ref>}}
''Medieval studies in Croatia and in most of the former Yugoslav space were firmly rooted in political history and suffered from isolationism and lack of interest in foreign scholarship. In the [[Titoism and Totalitarianism|communist era]], especially after the 1960s, Marxist ideology and national and Yugoslav political-ideological frameworks strongly impacted on the research into medieval history in Croatia '' <ref>[http://books.google.com.au/books?id=6UbOtJcF8rQC&pg=PA43&dq=Becoming+Slav,+Becoming+Croat:+Identity+Transformations+in+Post-Roman+Medieval+studies+in+croatia&hl=en&ei=aEVLTZXLC5GevgPU26QW&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CCoQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false Becoming Slav, Becoming Croat:] Identity Transformations in Post-Roman and Early Medieval Dalmatia by Danijel Dzino (p43)</ref>}}